Opinions, soapboxes, legal hot takes, and more. Taproom Talk is where we raise a glass and a few eyebrows about everything wrong (and sometimes right) in consumer law.
09/08/25- Most people know the Telephone Consumer Protection Act (TCPA) as the federal law that cracks down on robocalls and unwanted texts. But there’s another piece of the statute that’s suddenly driving lawsuits: the clock.
Under TCPA rules, businesses may not send telemarketing calls or texts before 8:00 a.m. or after 9:00 p.m. in the recipient’s local time. For years, litigation focused almost entirely on consent — whether companies had permission to contact consumers. Now, a new wave of lawsuits is highlighting violations of “Quiet Hours.”
In the past week alone, several class actions were filed alleging that businesses sent texts or calls too early in the morning or too late at night, including:
The common thread? All argue that companies ignored TCPA’s time-of-day restrictions.
The TCPA was enacted in 1991, when intrusive dinnertime robocalls were the main complaint. Congress specifically wrote in time-of-day restrictions to protect consumer privacy during rest hours. Violating these rules can be costly:
If a company sends thousands of messages during restricted hours, damages can balloon into the millions.
So why the sudden focus on Quiet Hours in 2025?
Several reasons:
For companies, these lawsuits are a wake-up call. It’s not enough to simply get consent or offer an opt-out. Timing must be programmed correctly.
Mistakes happen when:
Even if consumers consented, a single 6 a.m. coupon text could trigger a lawsuit.
For consumers, this litigation trend is encouraging. It shows courts are enforcing the TCPA in ways that reflect modern life. Everyone knows how disruptive a 2 a.m. buzz on your phone can be. If you’re receiving promotional calls or texts outside legal hours, you may have a claim. Keeping screenshots of timestamps and call logs can help preserve evidence.
Quiet Hours cases are likely to grow in 2025 and beyond. Courts may soon address questions like:
Until then, businesses face rising exposure, and consumers gain another shield against unwanted intrusions.
Until then, businesses face rising exposure, and consumers gain another shield against unwanted intrusions.
When J.B. Hunt Transport Services recently agreed to pay $5 million to settle claims it violated the Fair Credit Reporting Act (FCRA), the headlines focused on the size of the settlement. But the deeper story—one that affects millions of job seekers each year—got far less attention.
At issue was J.B. Hunt’s alleged failure to provide job applicants and employees with a copy of their background check and a summary of their rights before taking adverse employment action. That is, the company may have rejected or fired people based on reports they never had a chance to review, let alone dispute.
For those who think this is just a technical misstep or an isolated case, think again. This is not a one-off. This is a flashing red light warning us about how quietly and pervasively due process is being stripped from the hiring process—often through automated systems, third-party screeners, and legally questionable shortcuts.
The FCRA was designed to protect consumers by requiring transparency and fairness when employers use background reports. The law mandates that before someone is denied a job because of such a report, they must receive:
Why? Because background checks are notoriously error-prone. Reports may contain outdated, sealed, or inaccurate information. And when that happens, the consequences are swift and often permanent. The job offer disappears. The interview process ends. And the individual may never know why.
When employers like J.B. Hunt skip these steps, they’re not just breaking the law. They’re denying people the chance to correct mistakes that could derail their livelihoods.
Background checks, particularly criminal history screenings, disproportionately harm communities of color, who have long been overrepresented in the criminal justice system. Even minor offenses from years ago—some of them later expunged—can appear on reports and silently block access to employment.
Add to that the rise of automated hiring systems that reject applicants based on checkboxes, keywords, or background flags with no human review, and you have a digital gatekeeping system that locks people out of jobs without explanation, appeal, or context.
The result? A two-tiered employment system. One for the "clean" candidate—and another for those with even minor blemishes, regardless of their relevance or recency.
Employers often outsource the dirty work to background check vendors, assuming legal liability ends there. It doesn’t. Under the FCRA, the hiring company is still responsible. And frankly, they should be. No one should be denied a job based on information they never saw and never had the chance to correct.
It’s time for companies to rethink how they use background checks—not just because of legal exposure, but because of what fairness demands. That means:
The J.B. Hunt settlement should be a wake-up call, not just for corporate legal departments, but for policymakers, civil rights advocates, and consumers. As long as employment decisions are outsourced to black-box systems and faceless screeners, millions will be denied opportunity without due process.
America believes in second chances. Our hiring systems should reflect that.
At The Consumer Bar, we love a good cocktail pun. But there’s nothing funny about what’s being slipped into most contracts these days: forced arbitration clauses—aka the legal equivalent of watering down your rights and pretending it’s still strong.
Let’s be clear: forced arbitration is one of the biggest threats to consumer protection in modern law. And it's hiding in plain sight.
When you buy a car, sign a credit card agreement, download an app, or even just buy a blender online—you’re often agreeing (without realizing it) to give up your right to sue in court. Instead, you’re forced into private arbitration, where:
Translation? If a company wrongs thousands of people in the same way, each person has to fight them alone, behind closed doors. That’s not justice. That’s damage control for corporations.
Forced arbitration buries bad behavior. It protects abusive practices, silences consumers, and removes the threat of public accountability.
And here's the real kicker:
It’s in nearly every major contract you sign.
Car leases. Credit cards. Student loans. Gym memberships. Cell phone plans. Streaming services.
It’s not a choice. It’s a trap—disguised as terms and conditions you’ll never read.
Companies know that most people:
So forced arbitration becomes a shield against real consequences, letting companies violate consumer protection laws while avoiding public lawsuits.
You don’t even get your “day in court.” You get a day in a rented conference room with someone paid to keep things quiet.
This isn’t just about legal process—it’s about fairness. We need:
Consumers should never have to give up their constitutional right to a jury trial just to own a cell phone or buy a car.
Forced arbitration is the ultimate “we reserve the right to ignore you” clause. And it’s time to cut it from the cocktail of consumer law.
Consumers deserve transparency. They deserve options.
And most of all—they deserve their day in court.
If you've been forced into arbitration, or if your rights have been shaken, not heard—we’re behind the bar and ready to fight back.
Because here at The Consumer Bar, we believe justice should always be served strong, not hidden in the fine print.
A recent Oregon federal decision in Wilson v. Skopos Financial (Reprise Financial) treated unwanted text messages much like unwanted calls under the Do‑Not‑Call (DNC) rules. That’s a consumer‑friendly signal. Expect more lawsuits targeting mass texting, sharper consent rules, and growing pressure on companies to respect opt‑outs—fast.
What changed: Courts are more willing to read the TCPA’s DNC protections to cover SMS and similar text formats, not just voice calls.
Why it matters: If you’re on the National DNC Registry and you get marketing texts you didn’t consent to, your claim is on stronger footing in more courts—especially where judges lean toward consumer privacy protections.
Consumer takeaway: Register your number on the Do‑Not‑Call Registry and keep screenshots of unwanted texts. They may be actionable.
What changed: Courts are showing less patience when companies blame wrong numbers, recycled numbers, or clerical mix‑ups.
Why it matters: Businesses that rely on outdated lists or “intended for someone else” messages are seeing less sympathy at the pleading stage.
Consumer takeaway: If a text is clearly meant for someone else (e.g., “Hi Brian, finish your loan…”), document it and opt out. You may still have rights.
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What changed: Marketing by text is moving toward “consent‑first” models. Courts and regulators increasingly expect clear, recorded, revocable consent tied to a specific phone number and campaign.
Why it matters: Companies must maintain audit‑ready logs of when and how consent was obtained, and how it can be withdrawn.
Consumer takeaway: If you never agreed to receive texts—or you revoked consent—say so plainly (“I revoke consent. Stop texting me.”) and save evidence.customers to your business.
What changed: Some courts read DNC text protections broadly; others are more narrow.
Why it matters: Plaintiffs gravitate to consumer‑friendly courts, and businesses face uneven rules across jurisdictions. This split can push agencies (like the FCC) or higher courts to clarify the law.
Consumer takeaway: If you’re evaluating a claim, know that where you bring it can matter.
What changed: If texts are covered under DNC rules in a jurisdiction, it becomes easier to argue that a batch of similar texts violated the TCPA for many consumers at once.
Why it matters: Class actions can stop large‑scale texting campaigns and secure statutory damages that deter repeat behavior.
Consumer takeaway: If you and others received similar unwanted texts, a class approach may increase leverage.
What changed: Marketers are shifting to RCS and other channels beyond traditional SMS.
Why it matters: If the message functions like a telemarketing text—i.e., it’s an unsolicited sales pitch to your device—expect TCPA‑style arguments to follow, plus state‑law analogs.
Consumer takeaway: The label (“SMS” vs. “RCS”) matters less than the experience: if it feels like an unsolicited sales text, save it.
What changed: Several states have passed or updated telemarketing and texting laws (sometimes stricter than federal rules) with their own definitions, quiet‑hours, and consent standards.
Why it matters: Even if a federal TCPA claim is uncertain, state‑law claims may apply—and can carry separate penalties.
Consumer takeaway: Unwanted texts may trigger state claims, too. A local consumer attorney can help you navigate both levels.
What changed: Judges increasingly expect one‑word opt‑outs like “STOP” to be honored promptly, and companies to provide frictionless ways to revoke consent.
Why it matters: Continued messages after a clear opt‑out can raise damages and undermine a company’s defense.
Consumer takeaway: Use simple commands like “STOP
What changed: Courts look critically at lead generators and data brokers feeding contact lists to brands and lenders.
Why it matters: “We got your number from a vendor” no longer flies if the vendor can’t prove valid, specific consent.
Consumer takeaway: If a sender claims you opted in through a partner, ask for proof. Lack of verifiable consent helps your case.
What changed: Many companies push disputes into arbitration via fine‑print terms. But enforceability can hinge on how you allegedly agreed, and what the clause covers.
Why it matters: Courts are scrutinizing assent (did you really agree?), scope (does it cover these texts?), and unconscionability.
Consumer takeaway: Don’t assume you have no options because of an arbitration clause. Ask a lawyer to evaluate the specific terms.
Q: I’m on the Do‑Not‑Call Registry. Can a company text me anyway?
A: They need valid, specific consent (and they must honor your opt‑out). Absent that, many courts treat promotional texts to DNC numbers as violations.
Q: What if the text was meant for someone else?
A: That often doesn’t excuse the sender. Misdirected or recycled‑number messages can still violate the law if you didn’t consent.
Q: I typed “STOP,” but the messages kept coming.
A: Save the thread. Each post‑opt‑out text can increase exposure for the sender and strengthen your claim.
Wilson v. Reprise continues a broader move toward treating texts as protected communications under the TCPA’s DNC framework. For consumers, that’s good news: stronger privacy, clearer consent rules, and more accountability for companies that text first and ask questions later.